973: Ibn Ḥawqal on Christian-Muslim Marriages in Sicily: Difference between revisions

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{{Chapter AR-EN|Theresa Jäckh|Ibn Ḥawqal, ''Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ'', ed. Michael J. De Goeje, rev. Johannes H. Kramers (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 2a), Leiden: Brill, 1938, p. 129, transl. Theresa Jäckh.|المشعمذون اكثر اهل حصونهم وباديتهم وضياعهم، رأيتهم التزويج الى النصارى على ان ما كان بينهم من ولدٍ ذكر لحق بأبيه من المشعمذون وما كانت من انثى فنصرانية مع امها، لايصلّون ولا يتطهرون ولا يزكون ولا يحجّون. وفيهم من يصوم شهر الرمضان ويغتسلون اذا صاموا من الجنابة. وهذه منقبةٌ لا يشَركهم أحد وفضيلة دون جميع الخلق، احرزوا بها في الجهل قصب السبق.|Most inhabitants of their fortresses, rural areas, and villages are ''mušaʿmiḏūn''. I have seen that they enter into marriage with Christian women, which leads to the boys being assigned to their fathers as ''al-mušʿamiḏūn'' and the girls becoming Christian women with their mothers. They do not pray, they do not perform acts of ritual purification, they do not give alms, and they do not go on pilgrimage. Some of them fast in the month Ramaḍān and thus achieve purification after great ritual impurity (''al-ğanāba''). This [practice] is a curiosity they do not share with anyone else in the world, and with this trait they have won the trophy in the race of stupidity.|<nowiki>== The Author & his/her Work: ==</nowiki>
{{Chapter AR-EN|Theresa Jäckh|Ibn Ḥawqal, ''Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ'', ed. Michael J. De Goeje, rev. Johannes H. Kramers (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 2a), Leiden: Brill, 1938, p. 129, transl. Theresa Jäckh.|المشعمذون اكثر اهل حصونهم وباديتهم وضياعهم، رأيتهم التزويج الى النصارى على ان ما كان بينهم من ولدٍ ذكر لحق بأبيه من المشعمذون وما كانت من انثى فنصرانية مع امها، لايصلّون ولا يتطهرون ولا يزكون ولا يحجّون. وفيهم من يصوم شهر الرمضان ويغتسلون اذا صاموا من الجنابة. وهذه منقبةٌ لا يشَركهم أحد وفضيلة دون جميع الخلق، احرزوا بها في الجهل قصب السبق.|Most inhabitants of their fortresses, rural areas, and villages are ''mušaʿmiḏūn''. I have seen that they enter into marriage with Christian women, which leads to the boys being assigned to their fathers as ''al-mušʿamiḏūn'' and the girls becoming Christian women with their mothers. They do not pray, they do not perform acts of ritual purification, they do not give alms, and they do not go on pilgrimage. Some of them fast in the month Ramaḍān and thus achieve purification after great ritual impurity (''al-ğanāba''). This [practice] is a curiosity they do not share with anyone else in the world, and with this trait they have won the trophy in the race of stupidity.|<nowiki>==The Author & his/her Work:==</nowiki>


Ibn Ḥawqal (d. after 378/988) was one of the major contributors to Arabic-Islamic geography and cartography in the 4th/10th century. He authored an extensive work which is based in the tradition of the Balḫī school and enriched by the experiences of his own travels. His aim was to cover the regions (''iqlīm, pl. aqālīm'') of the world and their borders, whilst also describing the inhabitants and their customs based on personal observation (''ʿiyān''). Originally from Nisibis in Upper Mesopotamia (known today as Nusaybin in southeastern Turkey), Ibn Ḥawqal set out from Baghdad to al-Mahdiyya in May 943 (Ramaḍān 331), where he stayed at the Fatimid court, before embarking on years of travelling. His journey brought him first to al-Andalus, North Africa, and the Southern Sahara (336-340/947-951) before he went east, as far as Armenia and Azerbaijan (ca. 344/955), and onward to Persia and Transoxiana (350-358/961-969 resp. 358/969). His last destination was Sicily, which he visited in the year 363/973, when the island was already under the suzerainty of the Fatimid Caliphate. It has been speculated, that Ibn Ḥawqal travelled on behalf of the Fatimids which would prompt the question as to what extent such an affinity to the Shiite-Ismaili dynasty might have ideologically influenced his writing.<ref name="ftn1">Wiet, L’importance; Miquel, Ibn Ḥawqal; for a recent critique see: Benchejroun, Requiem.</ref>  
Ibn Ḥawqal (d. after 378/988) was one of the major contributors to Arabic-Islamic geography and cartography in the 4th/10th century. He authored an extensive work which is based in the tradition of the Balḫī school and enriched by the experiences of his own travels. His aim was to cover the regions (''iqlīm, pl. aqālīm'') of the world and their borders, whilst also describing the inhabitants and their customs based on personal observation (''ʿiyān''). Originally from Nisibis in Upper Mesopotamia (known today as Nusaybin in southeastern Turkey), Ibn Ḥawqal set out from Baghdad to al-Mahdiyya in May 943 (Ramaḍān 331), where he stayed at the Fatimid court, before embarking on years of travelling. His journey brought him first to al-Andalus, North Africa, and the Southern Sahara (336-340/947-951) before he went east, as far as Armenia and Azerbaijan (ca. 344/955), and onward to Persia and Transoxiana (350-358/961-969 resp. 358/969). His last destination was Sicily, which he visited in the year 363/973, when the island was already under the suzerainty of the Fatimid Caliphate. It has been speculated, that Ibn Ḥawqal travelled on behalf of the Fatimids which would prompt the question as to what extent such an affinity to the Shiite-Ismaili dynasty might have ideologically influenced his writing.<ref name="ftn1">Wiet, L’importance; Miquel, Ibn Ḥawqal; for a recent critique see: Benchejroun, Requiem.</ref>  
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From the perspective of historical linguistics and etymology, the common translation “bastards” for Ibn Ḥawqal’s ''al-mušaʿmiḏūn'' seems inaccurate, and also the translation of “apostates” is at least ambiguous. In fact, the translation “bastards” would ultimately not carry the implications inherent in Ibn Ḥawqal’s criticism, given that a “bastard” is usually defined as the offspring of an illegitimate union. In the Qurʾān, marriages between Muslim men and Christian women are not objectionable.<ref name="ftn26">According to Q 5:5; on the prohibition for Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men see Q 2:221; 60:10; 4:141.</ref> According to Islamic law, the offspring of these marriages should invariably adhere to the religion of the father. From this point of view, a violation of the norm would be, firstly, that girls born from Muslim fathers in Sicily became Christians with their mothers and not Muslims, and secondly that the ''mušaʿmiḏūn'' did not perform their Islamic duties in a correct manner. Therefore, the “bastardization” does not refer to the parentage, but—as with the halakhic meaning of ''meshumadim—''to the corruption of religious practice. Thus, instead of witnessing a process of consecutive Islamization, Sicily saw a “production” of Christian women and male ''mušaʿmiḏūn'', but not of “proper” Muslims. It is interesting to note that this marriage practice with its gender-specific regulation of religious affiliation, which is also attested in other sources that pertain to Sicily,<ref name="ftn27">See Metcalfe, Transkultureller Wandel, pp.&nbsp;79-81.</ref> was apparently free of conflict on the island itself.<ref name="ftn28">On children of interreligious marriages, also see König, Caught Between Cultures, pp. 65-68, with a comparison to the “martyrs of Córdoba“ and the Turcopoles (τουρκόπουλοι); idem, ''Transkulturelle Verflechtungen'', pp. 84-90.</ref> Instead, indignation at the violation of the norm is reflected through the outside perspective of the traveler Ibn Ḥawqal—who used a word, which the Arabic-speaking Jews of this period linked with a lax practice of faith, and maybe even with an ideological proximity to Christianity.
From the perspective of historical linguistics and etymology, the common translation “bastards” for Ibn Ḥawqal’s ''al-mušaʿmiḏūn'' seems inaccurate, and also the translation of “apostates” is at least ambiguous. In fact, the translation “bastards” would ultimately not carry the implications inherent in Ibn Ḥawqal’s criticism, given that a “bastard” is usually defined as the offspring of an illegitimate union. In the Qurʾān, marriages between Muslim men and Christian women are not objectionable.<ref name="ftn26">According to Q 5:5; on the prohibition for Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men see Q 2:221; 60:10; 4:141.</ref> According to Islamic law, the offspring of these marriages should invariably adhere to the religion of the father. From this point of view, a violation of the norm would be, firstly, that girls born from Muslim fathers in Sicily became Christians with their mothers and not Muslims, and secondly that the ''mušaʿmiḏūn'' did not perform their Islamic duties in a correct manner. Therefore, the “bastardization” does not refer to the parentage, but—as with the halakhic meaning of ''meshumadim—''to the corruption of religious practice. Thus, instead of witnessing a process of consecutive Islamization, Sicily saw a “production” of Christian women and male ''mušaʿmiḏūn'', but not of “proper” Muslims. It is interesting to note that this marriage practice with its gender-specific regulation of religious affiliation, which is also attested in other sources that pertain to Sicily,<ref name="ftn27">See Metcalfe, Transkultureller Wandel, pp.&nbsp;79-81.</ref> was apparently free of conflict on the island itself.<ref name="ftn28">On children of interreligious marriages, also see König, Caught Between Cultures, pp. 65-68, with a comparison to the “martyrs of Córdoba“ and the Turcopoles (τουρκόπουλοι); idem, ''Transkulturelle Verflechtungen'', pp. 84-90.</ref> Instead, indignation at the violation of the norm is reflected through the outside perspective of the traveler Ibn Ḥawqal—who used a word, which the Arabic-speaking Jews of this period linked with a lax practice of faith, and maybe even with an ideological proximity to Christianity.


Considering Ibn Ḥawqal’s biography and travel itinerary, it is conceivable that he became acquainted with the term ''meshumadim/ mušaʿmiḏūn'' through personal contact with Arabic-speaking Jews and adapted it in an Arabized form as part of his vocabulary. As such, this is a fascinating example of linguistic, more specifically, of Hebrew-Arabic language transfer in the medieval Mediterranean. In the same time, by making use of this neologism, Ibn Ḥawqal provides an important piece of evidence to refine our understanding of the heterogeneous or transcultural population of tenth-century Sicily, not only in terms of its religion and Christian-Muslim contacts, but also in terms of ethnicity, language, and cultural practices.|Ibn Ḥawqal, ''Kitāb al-masālik wa-l-mamālik'', ed. Michael J. De Goeje (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 2), Leiden: Brill, 1873.
Considering Ibn Ḥawqal’s biography and travel itinerary, it is conceivable that he became acquainted with the term ''meshumadim/ mušaʿmiḏūn'' through personal contact with Arabic-speaking Jews and adapted it in an Arabized form as part of his vocabulary. As such, this is a fascinating example of linguistic, more specifically, of Hebrew-Arabic language transfer in the medieval Mediterranean. In the same time, by making use of this neologism, Ibn Ḥawqal provides an important piece of evidence to refine our understanding of the heterogeneous or transcultural population of tenth-century Sicily, not only in terms of its religion and Christian-Muslim contacts, but also in terms of ethnicity, language, and cultural practices.
|Ibn Ḥawqal, ''Kitāb al-masālik wa-l-mamālik'', ed. Michael J. De Goeje (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 2), Leiden: Brill, 1873.


Ibn Ḥawqal, ''Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ'', ed. Michael J. De Goeje, rev. Johannes H. Kramers (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 2a), Leiden: Brill, 1938.
Ibn Ḥawqal, ''Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ'', ed. Michael J. De Goeje, rev. Johannes H. Kramers (Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum 2a), Leiden: Brill, 1938.
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