973: Ibn Ḥawqal on Christian-Muslim Marriages in Sicily: Difference between revisions

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Wiet, Gaston: L’importance d’Ibn Hauqal dans la littérature arabe, in: Johannes H. Kramers, Gaston Wiet (eds),'' Ibn Hauqal, Configuration de la Terre (Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ). Introduction et traduction, avec index'', vol. 1, Paris / Beirut: G.P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1964, pp. IX-XVII.  
Wiet, Gaston: L’importance d’Ibn Hauqal dans la littérature arabe, in: Johannes H. Kramers, Gaston Wiet (eds),'' Ibn Hauqal, Configuration de la Terre (Kitāb ṣūrat al-arḍ). Introduction et traduction, avec index'', vol. 1, Paris / Beirut: G.P. Maisonneuve et Larose, 1964, pp. IX-XVII.  


Zeitlin, Solomon: Mumar and Meshumad, in: ''The Jewish Quarterly Review'' 54/1 (1963), pp. 84-86.|8=Apostasy, Cairo Genizah, conversion, Hebrew-Arabic, Ibn Ḥawqal, Images of “the Other”, interreligious marriage and family, Islamic law, Jewish law, linguistic transfer, minorities, (im)purity, religion, Sicily, Talmud|
Zeitlin, Solomon: Mumar and Meshumad, in: ''The Jewish Quarterly Review'' 54/1 (1963), pp. 84-86.|8=Apostasy, Cairo Genizah, conversion, Hebrew-Arabic, Ibn Ḥawqal, Images of “the Other”, interreligious marriage and family, Islamic law, Jewish law, linguistic transfer, minorities, (im)purity, religion, Sicily, Talmud|5=== The Author and his/her Work ==
== The Author and his/her Work ==
 
Ibn Ḥawqal (d. after 378/988) was one of the major contributors to Arabic-Islamic geography and cartography in the 4th/10th century. He authored an extensive work which is based in the tradition of the Balḫī school and enriched by the experiences of his own travels. His aim was to cover the regions (''iqlīm, pl. aqālīm'') of the world and their borders, whilst also describing the inhabitants and their customs based on personal observation (''ʿiyān''). Originally from Nisibis in Upper Mesopotamia (known today as Nusaybin in southeastern Turkey), Ibn Ḥawqal set out from Baghdad to al-Mahdiyya in May 943 (Ramaḍān 331), where he stayed at the Fatimid court, before embarking on years of travelling. His journey brought him first to al-Andalus, North Africa, and the Southern Sahara (336-340/947-951) before he went east, as far as Armenia and Azerbaijan (ca. 344/955), and onward to Persia and Transoxiana (350-358/961-969 resp. 358/969). His last destination was Sicily, which he visited in the year 363/973, when the island was already under the suzerainty of the Fatimid Caliphate. It has been speculated, that Ibn Ḥawqal travelled on behalf of the Fatimids which would prompt the question as to what extent such an affinity to the Shiite-Ismaili dynasty might have ideologically influenced his writing.<ref name="ftn1">Wiet, L’importance; Miquel, Ibn Ḥawqal; for a recent critique see: Benchejroun, Requiem.</ref>  
Ibn Ḥawqal (d. after 378/988) was one of the major contributors to Arabic-Islamic geography and cartography in the 4th/10th century. He authored an extensive work which is based in the tradition of the Balḫī school and enriched by the experiences of his own travels. His aim was to cover the regions (''iqlīm, pl. aqālīm'') of the world and their borders, whilst also describing the inhabitants and their customs based on personal observation (''ʿiyān''). Originally from Nisibis in Upper Mesopotamia (known today as Nusaybin in southeastern Turkey), Ibn Ḥawqal set out from Baghdad to al-Mahdiyya in May 943 (Ramaḍān 331), where he stayed at the Fatimid court, before embarking on years of travelling. His journey brought him first to al-Andalus, North Africa, and the Southern Sahara (336-340/947-951) before he went east, as far as Armenia and Azerbaijan (ca. 344/955), and onward to Persia and Transoxiana (350-358/961-969 resp. 358/969). His last destination was Sicily, which he visited in the year 363/973, when the island was already under the suzerainty of the Fatimid Caliphate. It has been speculated, that Ibn Ḥawqal travelled on behalf of the Fatimids which would prompt the question as to what extent such an affinity to the Shiite-Ismaili dynasty might have ideologically influenced his writing.<ref name="ftn1">Wiet, L’importance; Miquel, Ibn Ḥawqal; for a recent critique see: Benchejroun, Requiem.</ref>  


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Aside from the ideological bias and the resulting distortion of Ibn Ḥawqal’s account, it is, therefore, quite conceivable that Muslim Sicily witnessed complex and locally differing forms of social assimilation or “transculturation”, which eschew common categorization in terms of cultural affiliation.<ref name="ftn13">Epstein, Hybridity.</ref> In the context of interfaith marriages, Ibn Ḥawqal branded the male representatives of corresponding practice with the word ''al-mušaʿmiḏūn''. This term requires further contextualization.
Aside from the ideological bias and the resulting distortion of Ibn Ḥawqal’s account, it is, therefore, quite conceivable that Muslim Sicily witnessed complex and locally differing forms of social assimilation or “transculturation”, which eschew common categorization in terms of cultural affiliation.<ref name="ftn13">Epstein, Hybridity.</ref> In the context of interfaith marriages, Ibn Ḥawqal branded the male representatives of corresponding practice with the word ''al-mušaʿmiḏūn''. This term requires further contextualization.


Alex Metcalfe was first to point out that the word ''al-mušaʿmiḏūn'' derives from the Hebrew word ''meshumadim'';<ref name="ftn14">Metcalfe, Wandel, p. 72.</ref> Giuseppe Mandalà supported this statement with further evidence and concluded that the term meant “apostates”.<ref name="ftn15">Mandalà, Minoranze, pp. 107-109.</ref> However, from the perspective of Jewish law (''Halakha'') the matter is more complicated:<ref name="ftn16">See the discussions in Zeitlin, Mumar; Teppler, ''Birkat''; ''Langer, ''Cursing.''</ref> the root ''sh''-''m''-''d'' has Hebrew and Aramaic origins. It can be found in the Tanach (i.e. the Hebrew Bible) in a number of instances, in which Yahweh punishes infidels or insurgents with destruction (חשמיד / ''hishmīd'', i.e. “he has destroyed”).<ref name="ftn17">2 Kings 21: 9; Deuteronomy 2: 22; 1 Chronicles 5: 25; the basic meaning of the word is “to spoil/ to perish.”</ref> In the Babylonian Talmud, the term ''meshumad'' (pl. ''meshumadim'') refers to a Jew who transgressed the boundaries of religious law—consciously, under pressure or, sometimes, voluntarily.<ref name="ftn18">Talmud Bavli, Chullin 5a:10, 11, 13, 14; Chullin 5b:1; Avodah Zarah 26b:1-3, Horayot 2a:15; Horayot 11a:12.</ref> As such, the ''meshumadim'' are not necessarily apostates in the sense of “apostasy from the faith”'' ''(''apostasia a fide''), but rather Jews whose religious practice is regarded as deviant or “corrupted,” but who are still deemed to be part of the Jewish community.
Alex Metcalfe was first to point out that the word ''al-mušaʿmiḏūn'' derives from the Hebrew word ''meshumadim'';<ref name="ftn14">Metcalfe, Wandel, p. 72.</ref> Giuseppe Mandalà supported this statement with further evidence and concluded that the term meant “apostates”.<ref name="ftn15">Mandalà, Minoranze, pp. 107-109.</ref> However, from the perspective of Jewish law (''Halakha'') the matter is more complicated:<ref name="ftn16">See the discussions in Zeitlin, Mumar; Teppler, ''Birkat''; ''Langer, ''Cursing.''</ref> the root ''sh''-''m''-''d'' has Hebrew and Aramaic origins. It can be found in the Tanach (i.e. the Hebrew Bible) in a number of instances, in which God punishes infidels or insurgents with destruction (חשמיד / ''hishmīd'', i.e. “he has destroyed”).<ref name="ftn17">2 Kings 21: 9; Deuteronomy 2: 22; 1 Chronicles 5: 25; the basic meaning of the word is “to spoil/ to perish.”</ref> In the Babylonian Talmud, the term ''meshumad'' (pl. ''meshumadim'') refers to a Jew who transgressed the boundaries of religious law—consciously, under pressure or, sometimes, voluntarily.<ref name="ftn18">Talmud Bavli, Chullin 5a:10, 11, 13, 14; Chullin 5b:1; Avodah Zarah 26b:1-3, Horayot 2a:15; Horayot 11a:12.</ref> As such, the ''meshumadim'' are not necessarily apostates in the sense of “apostasy from the faith”'' ''(''apostasia a fide''), but rather Jews whose religious practice is regarded as deviant or “corrupted,” but who are still deemed to be part of the Jewish community.


There are, however, cases in which derivations of the root ''sh-m-d'' were also used to characterize those Jews, who had indeed defected from Judaism, namely due to external pressure and persecution. Evidence for this can be found in the Tosefta and the Talmud, where e.g. the reign of emperor Hadrian (r. 117-138) is referred to as “The Time of Oppression”, ''sha’at ha-shemad'' in Hebrew.<ref name="ftn19">Langer, ''Cursing'', p. 50; according to Grossberg, ''Heresy'', pp. 120-121, this is, however, not a contemporary designation.</ref> If ''ha-shemad'' is deemed as oppression or persecution, the ''meshumadim'' could be considered as those who gave up Judaism because of repressive political measures.<ref name="ftn20">Teppler, ''Birkat'', p. 67. </ref> In a similar vein, ''shemad'' and ''meshumadim'' can also be found in the writings of Maimonides (d. 601/1204), namely in his “Letter of Repression/Apostasy” (''Iggeret ha''-''shemad''), in which he addresses the Jews living under Almohad rule after 1161''.''<ref name="ftn21">Kraemer, ''Maimonides'', pp. 104-111.</ref>
There are, however, cases in which derivations of the root ''sh-m-d'' were also used to characterize those Jews, who had indeed defected from Judaism, namely due to external pressure and persecution. Evidence for this can be found in the Tosefta and the Talmud, where e.g. the reign of emperor Hadrian (r. 117-138) is referred to as “The Time of Oppression”, ''sha’at ha-shemad'' in Hebrew.<ref name="ftn19">Langer, ''Cursing'', p. 50; according to Grossberg, ''Heresy'', pp. 120-121, this is, however, not a contemporary designation.</ref> If ''ha-shemad'' is deemed as oppression or persecution, the ''meshumadim'' could be considered as those who gave up Judaism because of repressive political measures.<ref name="ftn20">Teppler, ''Birkat'', p. 67. </ref> In a similar vein, ''shemad'' and ''meshumadim'' can also be found in the writings of Maimonides (d. 601/1204), namely in his “Letter of Repression/Apostasy” (''Iggeret ha''-''shemad''), in which he addresses the Jews living under Almohad rule after 1161''.''<ref name="ftn21">Kraemer, ''Maimonides'', pp. 104-111.</ref>
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From the perspective of historical linguistics and etymology, the common translation “bastards” for Ibn Ḥawqal’s ''al-mušaʿmiḏūn'' seems inaccurate, and also the translation of “apostates” is at least ambiguous. In fact, the translation “bastards” would ultimately not carry the implications inherent in Ibn Ḥawqal’s criticism, given that a “bastard” is usually defined as the offspring of an illegitimate union. In the Qurʾān, marriages between Muslim men and Christian women are not objectionable.<ref name="ftn26">According to Q 5:5; on the prohibition for Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men see Q 2:221; 60:10; 4:141.</ref> According to Islamic law, the offspring of these marriages should invariably adhere to the religion of the father. From this point of view, a violation of the norm would be, firstly, that girls born from Muslim fathers in Sicily became Christians with their mothers and not Muslims, and secondly that the ''mušaʿmiḏūn'' did not perform their Islamic duties in a correct manner. Therefore, the “bastardization” does not refer to the parentage, but—as with the halakhic meaning of ''meshumadim—''to the corruption of religious practice. Thus, instead of witnessing a process of consecutive Islamization, Sicily saw a “production” of Christian women and male ''mušaʿmiḏūn'', but not of “proper” Muslims. It is interesting to note that this marriage practice with its gender-specific regulation of religious affiliation, which is also attested in other sources that pertain to Sicily,<ref name="ftn27">See Metcalfe, Transkultureller Wandel, pp.&nbsp;79-81.</ref> was apparently free of conflict on the island itself.<ref name="ftn28">On children of interreligious marriages, also see König, Caught Between Cultures, pp. 65-68, with a comparison to the “martyrs of Córdoba“ and the Turcopoles (τουρκόπουλοι); idem, ''Transkulturelle Verflechtungen'', pp. 84-90.</ref> Instead, indignation at the violation of the norm is reflected through the outside perspective of the traveler Ibn Ḥawqal—who used a word, which the Arabic-speaking Jews of this period linked with a lax practice of faith, and maybe even with an ideological proximity to Christianity.
From the perspective of historical linguistics and etymology, the common translation “bastards” for Ibn Ḥawqal’s ''al-mušaʿmiḏūn'' seems inaccurate, and also the translation of “apostates” is at least ambiguous. In fact, the translation “bastards” would ultimately not carry the implications inherent in Ibn Ḥawqal’s criticism, given that a “bastard” is usually defined as the offspring of an illegitimate union. In the Qurʾān, marriages between Muslim men and Christian women are not objectionable.<ref name="ftn26">According to Q 5:5; on the prohibition for Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men see Q 2:221; 60:10; 4:141.</ref> According to Islamic law, the offspring of these marriages should invariably adhere to the religion of the father. From this point of view, a violation of the norm would be, firstly, that girls born from Muslim fathers in Sicily became Christians with their mothers and not Muslims, and secondly that the ''mušaʿmiḏūn'' did not perform their Islamic duties in a correct manner. Therefore, the “bastardization” does not refer to the parentage, but—as with the halakhic meaning of ''meshumadim—''to the corruption of religious practice. Thus, instead of witnessing a process of consecutive Islamization, Sicily saw a “production” of Christian women and male ''mušaʿmiḏūn'', but not of “proper” Muslims. It is interesting to note that this marriage practice with its gender-specific regulation of religious affiliation, which is also attested in other sources that pertain to Sicily,<ref name="ftn27">See Metcalfe, Transkultureller Wandel, pp.&nbsp;79-81.</ref> was apparently free of conflict on the island itself.<ref name="ftn28">On children of interreligious marriages, also see König, Caught Between Cultures, pp. 65-68, with a comparison to the “martyrs of Córdoba“ and the Turcopoles (τουρκόπουλοι); idem, ''Transkulturelle Verflechtungen'', pp. 84-90.</ref> Instead, indignation at the violation of the norm is reflected through the outside perspective of the traveler Ibn Ḥawqal—who used a word, which the Arabic-speaking Jews of this period linked with a lax practice of faith, and maybe even with an ideological proximity to Christianity.


Considering Ibn Ḥawqal’s biography and travel itinerary, it is conceivable that he became acquainted with the term ''meshumadim/ mušaʿmiḏūn'' through personal contact with Arabic-speaking Jews and adapted it in an Arabized form as part of his vocabulary. As such, this is a fascinating example of linguistic, more specifically, of Hebrew-Arabic language transfer in the medieval Mediterranean. In the same time, by making use of this neologism, Ibn Ḥawqal provides an important piece of evidence to refine our understanding of the heterogeneous or transcultural population of tenth-century Sicily, not only in terms of its religion and Christian-Muslim contacts, but also in terms of ethnicity, language, and cultural practices.
Considering Ibn Ḥawqal’s biography and travel itinerary, it is conceivable that he became acquainted with the term ''meshumadim/ mušaʿmiḏūn'' through personal contact with Arabic-speaking Jews and adapted it in an Arabized form as part of his vocabulary. As such, this is a fascinating example of linguistic, more specifically, of Hebrew-Arabic language transfer in the medieval Mediterranean. In the same time, by making use of this neologism, Ibn Ḥawqal provides an important piece of evidence to refine our understanding of the heterogeneous or transcultural population of tenth-century Sicily, not only in terms of its religion and Christian-Muslim contacts, but also in terms of ethnicity, language, and cultural practices.}}
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[[de:973: Ibn Ḥawqal über christlich-muslimische Ehen auf Sizilien]]
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