984: Some Letters by Gerbert d’Aurillac Dealing with “Arabic” Mathematics and Astrology: Difference between revisions

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<div style="margin-left:1cm;margin-right:1cm;">“Gerbert employed the offices of a shield maker to make an abacus, i.e., a board fitted with divisions of measurement. He divided its length into 27 columns of which he marked nine with a numeral, these signifying all possible numbers. In the likeness of which [i.e., the columns marked with Arabic numerals] he made 1000 counters of horn, which, by being moved around through the 27 columns of the abacus, could show the multiplication or division of any number you like. This instrument enabled performing very quickly some mathematical operations such as division and multiplication. Whoever wishes to receive more instruction on this, may read the treatise which he addressed to the grammatician Constantine.”<ref name="ftn54">Richerius, Historiae, ed. Hoffmann, lib. 3, cap. 54, p. 198: “abacum id est tabulam dimensionibus aptam opere scutarii effecit. Cuius longitudini, in XXVII partibus diductę, novem numero notas omnem numerum significantes disposuit. Ad quarum etiam similitudinem, mille corneos effecit caracteres, qui per XXVII abaci partes mutuati, cuiusque numeri multiplicationem sive divisionem designarent. Tanto compendio numerorum multitudinem dividentes vel multiplicantes, ut pre nimia numerositate potius intellegi quam verbis valerent ostendi. Quorum scientiam qui ad plenum scire desiderat, legat eius librum quem scribit ad C(onstantinum) grammaticum.”; translation adapted from Zuccato, Arabic Singing Girls, p. 108. </ref> </div>
<div style="margin-left:1cm;margin-right:1cm;">“Gerbert employed the offices of a shield maker to make an abacus, i.e., a board fitted with divisions of measurement. He divided its length into 27 columns of which he marked nine with a numeral, these signifying all possible numbers. In the likeness of which [i.e., the columns marked with Arabic numerals] he made 1000 counters of horn, which, by being moved around through the 27 columns of the abacus, could show the multiplication or division of any number you like. This instrument enabled performing very quickly some mathematical operations such as division and multiplication. Whoever wishes to receive more instruction on this, may read the treatise which he addressed to the grammatician Constantine.”<ref name="ftn54">Richerius, Historiae, ed. Hoffmann, lib. 3, cap. 54, p. 198: “abacum id est tabulam dimensionibus aptam opere scutarii effecit. Cuius longitudini, in XXVII partibus diductę, novem numero notas omnem numerum significantes disposuit. Ad quarum etiam similitudinem, mille corneos effecit caracteres, qui per XXVII abaci partes mutuati, cuiusque numeri multiplicationem sive divisionem designarent. Tanto compendio numerorum multitudinem dividentes vel multiplicantes, ut pre nimia numerositate potius intellegi quam verbis valerent ostendi. Quorum scientiam qui ad plenum scire desiderat, legat eius librum quem scribit ad C(onstantinum) grammaticum.”; translation adapted from Zuccato, Arabic Singing Girls, p. 108. </ref> </div>


Most important in this quote is Richer’s reference to “nine numerals which signify all possible numbers” (''novem numero notas'' ''omnem numerum significantes''). What Richer seems to suggest here, is that Gerbert did not use Roman numbers composed of one or more individual signs (e.g. the numbers 4, 6-9, i.e. IV, VI, VII, VIII, IX). Rather, he used individual signs to represent the basic numerals that make up the decimal system, i.e. one individual sign for each number from 1 to 9. Gerbert was not the first to substitute Roman numerals with alternative signs. So far, however, Greek letters had been used as substitutes.<ref name="ftn55">Folkerts, Names and Forms, p. 246, 248. </ref> As already mentioned above, the ''Codex Vigilanus'', a manuscript copied in the Catalonian monastery of Albelda in the year 976 contains the earliest depiction of Hindu-Arabic numerals in a Latin manuscript. These signs represent a western variant used on the Iberian Peninsula that are classified as “dust” (''ġubār'') numerals (See Fig. 1).<ref name="ftn56">See Kunitzsch, Transmission of Hindu-Arabic Numerals, pp. 11-14.</ref> Some of the names of the ''ġubār''-numerals are clearly of Arabic origin: this applies to the numbers four (''arbas'' < ''arbaʿ''), five (''quimas < ḫamsa''), and eight (''temenias < ṯamaniya'').<ref name="ftn57">Buddhue, Origin of Our Numerals, pp. 256-267; Ball, ''A Short History of Mathematics'', p. 115<nowiki>; Ľ Huillier, Regards sur la formation progressive, p. 544; Allard, Ľ influ</nowiki>ence des mathématiques arabes dans ľOccident médiéval, p. 200.</ref>
Most important in this quote is Richer’s reference to “nine numerals which signify all possible numbers” (''novem numero notas'' ''omnem numerum significantes''). What Richer seems to suggest here, is that Gerbert did not use Roman numbers composed of one or more individual signs (e.g. the numbers 4, 6-9, i.e. IV, VI, VII, VIII, IX). Rather, he used individual signs to represent the basic numerals that make up the decimal system, i.e. one individual sign for each number from 1 to 9. Gerbert was not the first to substitute Roman numerals with alternative signs. So far, however, Greek letters had been used as substitutes.<ref name="ftn55">Folkerts, Names and Forms, p. 246, 248. </ref> As already mentioned above, the ''Codex Vigilanus'', a manuscript copied in the Catalonian monastery of Albelda in the year 976 contains the earliest depiction of Hindu-Arabic numerals in a Latin manuscript. These signs represent a western variant used on the Iberian Peninsula that are classified as “dust” (''ġubār'') numerals (See Fig. 1).<ref name="ftn56">See Kunitzsch, Transmission of Hindu-Arabic Numerals, pp. 11-14.</ref> Some of the names of the ''ġubār''-numerals are clearly of Arabic origin: this applies to the numbers four (''arbas'' < ''arbaʿ''), five (''quimas < ḫamsa''), and eight (''temenias < ṯamaniya'').<ref name="ftn57">Buddhue, Origin of Our Numerals, pp. 256-267; Ball, ''A Short History of Mathematics'', p. 115; Ľ Huillier, Regards sur la formation progressive, p. 544; Allard, Ľ influence des mathématiques arabes dans ľOccident médiéval, p. 200.</ref>
 


'''Figure 1''': ''Codex conciliorum Albeldensis seu Vigilanus'', Madrid: El Escorial, MS D.I.2, fol. 12v.<ref name="ftn58">[https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3b/Codex_Vigilanus_Primeros_Numeros_Arabigos.jpg https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3b/Codex_Vigilanus_Primeros_Numeros_Arabigos.jpg]. For a printed reproduction, see Szpiech, From Mesopotamia to Madrid, p. 44. The text runs: “Scire debemus in Indos subtilissimum ingenium habere. et ceteras gentes eis in arithmetica et geometrica. et ceteris liberalibus disciplinis concedere. Et hoc manifestum est in nobem figuris quibus designant unumquemque gradum. Cuiuslibet gradus quarum hec sunt forma. 987654321”, i.e. “We should know that we find subtle inventiveness among the Indians and among several peoples, which they have given to them in arithmetics and geometry and other liberal disciplines. This becomes manifest in nine figures, each of which designate a specific [numeric] position. These are the forms of each position: 987654321.” Note that the list of numbers still lacks zero.</ref>
'''Figure 1''': ''Codex conciliorum Albeldensis seu Vigilanus'', Madrid: El Escorial, MS D.I.2, fol. 12v.<ref name="ftn58">[https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3b/Codex_Vigilanus_Primeros_Numeros_Arabigos.jpg https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3b/Codex_Vigilanus_Primeros_Numeros_Arabigos.jpg]. For a printed reproduction, see Szpiech, From Mesopotamia to Madrid, p. 44. The text runs: “Scire debemus in Indos subtilissimum ingenium habere. et ceteras gentes eis in arithmetica et geometrica. et ceteris liberalibus disciplinis concedere. Et hoc manifestum est in nobem figuris quibus designant unumquemque gradum. Cuiuslibet gradus quarum hec sunt forma. 987654321”, i.e. “We should know that we find subtle inventiveness among the Indians and among several peoples, which they have given to them in arithmetics and geometry and other liberal disciplines. This becomes manifest in nine figures, each of which designate a specific [numeric] position. These are the forms of each position: 987654321.” Note that the list of numbers still lacks zero.</ref>


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[[file: Codex_Vigilanus_Primeros_Numeros_Arabigos.jpg]]
 


Based on the research of Menso Folkerts, Charles Burnett, Paul Kunitzsch, and others<ref name="ftn59">Folkerts, Frühe Darstellungen, pp. 23-43; Folkerts, Names and Forms, pp. 245-265; Burnett, Abacus at Echternach, pp. 91-108; Kunitzsch, Transmission of Hindu-Arabic Numerals, pp. 3-22.</ref>, Marek Otisk has listed the early pictorial and textual evidence for ''ġubār''-numerals in Latin manuscripts produced east of the Iberian Peninsula. The earliest evidence dates from the late tenth and early eleventh centuries and includes  
Based on the research of Menso Folkerts, Charles Burnett, Paul Kunitzsch, and others<ref name="ftn59">Folkerts, Frühe Darstellungen, pp. 23-43; Folkerts, Names and Forms, pp. 245-265; Burnett, Abacus at Echternach, pp. 91-108; Kunitzsch, Transmission of Hindu-Arabic Numerals, pp. 3-22.</ref>, Marek Otisk has listed the early pictorial and textual evidence for ''ġubār''-numerals in Latin manuscripts produced east of the Iberian Peninsula. The earliest evidence dates from the late tenth and early eleventh centuries and includes  
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Ball, W. W. Rouse: ''A Short Account of the History of Mathematics'', London: Dover Publishers, 1908.
Ball, W. W. Rouse: ''A Short Account of the History of Mathematics'', London: Dover Publishers, 1908.


Beaujouan, Guy: Étude paléographique sur la rotation des chiffres et l’emploi des apices du X<sup>e </sup>au XII<sup>e</sup> siècle, in: ''Revue d’histoire des sciences et de leurs applications'' 1/4 (1948), pp. 301-313, URL: www.jstor.org/stable/23904137.  
Beaujouan, Guy: Étude paléographique sur la rotation des chiffres et l’emploi des apices du X<sup>e </sup>au XII<sup>e</sup> siècle, in: ''Revue d’histoire des sciences et de leurs applications'' 1/4 (1948), pp. 301-313, URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23904137.  


Buddhue, John Davis: The Origin of Our Numerals, in: ''The Scientific Monthly'' 52 (1941), pp. 256-267.
Buddhue, John Davis: The Origin of Our Numerals, in: ''The Scientific Monthly'' 52 (1941), pp. 256-267.
Line 108: Line 110:
Burnett, Charles: The Abacus at Echternach in ca. 1000 AD, in: Charles Burnett (ed.), ''Numerals and Arithmetic in the Middle Ages'', Aldershot: Variorum, 2010, pp. 91-108.
Burnett, Charles: The Abacus at Echternach in ca. 1000 AD, in: Charles Burnett (ed.), ''Numerals and Arithmetic in the Middle Ages'', Aldershot: Variorum, 2010, pp. 91-108.


Burnett, Charles: The Semantics of Indian Numerals in Arabic, Greek and Latin, in: ''Journal of Indian Philosophy'' 34/1-2 (2006), pp. 15-30, URL: www.jstor.org/stable/23496952.  
Burnett, Charles: The Semantics of Indian Numerals in Arabic, Greek and Latin, in: ''Journal of Indian Philosophy'' 34/1-2 (2006), pp. 15-30, URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23496952.  


Burnett, Charles: Translation from Arabic to Latin in the Middle Ages, in: Harald Kittel (ed.), ''Übersetzung: Ein internationales Handbuch zur Übersetzungsforschung'', vol. 2, Berlin: De Gruyter, 2007, pp. 49–56.
Burnett, Charles: Translation from Arabic to Latin in the Middle Ages, in: Harald Kittel (ed.), ''Übersetzung: Ein internationales Handbuch zur Übersetzungsforschung'', vol. 2, Berlin: De Gruyter, 2007, pp. 49–56.
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Darlington, Oscar G.: Gerbert the Teacher, in: ''American Historical Review'' 52 (1947), pp. 456-479.
Darlington, Oscar G.: Gerbert the Teacher, in: ''American Historical Review'' 52 (1947), pp. 456-479.


Darlington, Oscar G.: Gerbert, “Obscuro Loco Natus”, in: ''Speculum'' 11 (1936), pp. 509-520, URL: www.jstor.org/stable/2848543.  
Darlington, Oscar G.: Gerbert, “Obscuro Loco Natus”, in: ''Speculum'' 11 (1936), pp. 509-520, URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2848543.  


David Juste, ''Les Alchandreana primitifs: Étude sur les plus anciens traités astrologiques latins d’origine arabe (X<sup>e</sup> siècle)'', Leiden: Brill, 2007.
David Juste, ''Les Alchandreana primitifs: Étude sur les plus anciens traités astrologiques latins d’origine arabe (X<sup>e</sup> siècle)'', Leiden: Brill, 2007.
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Ľ Huillier, Hervé: Regards sur la formation progressive d’une langue pour les mathématique dans ľOccident médiéval, in: Danielle Jacquart (ed.), ''Comprendre et maîtriser la nature au moyen age'', Geneva: Droz, 1994, pp. 541- 555.
Ľ Huillier, Hervé: Regards sur la formation progressive d’une langue pour les mathématique dans ľOccident médiéval, in: Danielle Jacquart (ed.), ''Comprendre et maîtriser la nature au moyen age'', Geneva: Droz, 1994, pp. 541- 555.


Lattin, Harriet Pratt: Lupitus Barchinonensis, in: ''Speculum'' 7/1 (1932), pp. 58-64, URL: www.jstor.org/stable/2848321.  
Lattin, Harriet Pratt: Lupitus Barchinonensis, in: ''Speculum'' 7/1 (1932), pp. 58-64, URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2848321.  


Lattin, Harriet Pratt: Review of Assaig d’Història de les Idees Fisiques I Matematiques a la Catalunya Medieval by J. Millàs Vallicrosa, in: ''Speculum'' 7 (1932), pp. 436-438.
Lattin, Harriet Pratt: Review of Assaig d’Història de les Idees Fisiques I Matematiques a la Catalunya Medieval by J. Millàs Vallicrosa, in: ''Speculum'' 7 (1932), pp. 436-438.
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Szpiech, Ryan: From Mesopotamia to Madrid: The Legacy of Ancient and Medieval Science in Early Modern Spain, in: Enrique Garcá Santo-Tomás (ed.), ''Science on Stage in Early Modern Spain'', Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pp. 25-57.
Szpiech, Ryan: From Mesopotamia to Madrid: The Legacy of Ancient and Medieval Science in Early Modern Spain, in: Enrique Garcá Santo-Tomás (ed.), ''Science on Stage in Early Modern Spain'', Toronto: University of Toronto Press, pp. 25-57.


Thompson, James Westfall: The Introduction of Arabic Science into Lorraine in the Tenth Century, in: ''Isis'' 12 (1929), pp. 184-193, URL: www.jstor.org/stable/224784.  
Thompson, James Westfall: The Introduction of Arabic Science into Lorraine in the Tenth Century, in: ''Isis'' 12 (1929), pp. 184-193, URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/224784.  


Uhlirz, Mathilde: Studien zu Gerbert von Aurillac, in: ''Archiv für Urkundenforschung ''11 (1930), pp. 391-422.
Uhlirz, Mathilde: Studien zu Gerbert von Aurillac, in: ''Archiv für Urkundenforschung ''11 (1930), pp. 391-422.
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Zuccato, Marco: Arabic Singing Girls, the Pope, and the Astrolabe. Arabic Science in Tenth-Century Latin Europe, in: ''Viator'' 45/1 (2014), pp. 99-120.
Zuccato, Marco: Arabic Singing Girls, the Pope, and the Astrolabe. Arabic Science in Tenth-Century Latin Europe, in: ''Viator'' 45/1 (2014), pp. 99-120.


Zuccato, Marco: Gerbert of Aurillac and a Tenth-Century Jewish Channel for the Transmission of Arabic Science to the West, in: ''Speculum'' 80 (2005), pp. 742-763.|8=abacus; al-Andalus; Arabic; arithmetics; ''artes liberales''; astrolabe; astrology; astronomy; Barcelona; calculation; Catalonia; Córdoba; Gaul; geometry; Hindu-Arabic numerals, knowledge transfer; Latin; libraries; magic; manuscripts; mathematics; monasteries; Mozarabs; Ottonian dynasty; Ptolemy; quadrivium; Ripoll; Saracens; scholars; schools; science; scriptoria; teaching; translation; Umayyads|3a=[Geraldo abbati Aureliacensi] De multiplicatione et divisione numerorum libellum a Joseph Ispano editum abbas Warnerius penes vos reliquit; ejus exemplar in commune rogamus. Si limina beatorum Remigii et Dionisii datur vobis copia videndi, nuntio praemisso, vestris alloquiis poterimus codelectari.|4a=[To abbot Gerald of Aurillac, spring 984] Abbot Warnerius left with you a book “On Multiplication and the Division of Numbers” (''De multiplicatione et divisione numerorum'') written by Joseph the Spaniard, and we both would like a copy of it. If an opportunity of visiting St. Rémy or St. Denis presents itself to you, and if you send a messenger ahead, we will be able to enjoy some conversations with you.|3b=[Bonfilio Gerundensi episcopo] Multa quidem auctoritas vestris nominis me movet, cum ad videndum et alloquendum, tum etiam ad obtemperandum, et hoc diu negatum distulit negata libertas. Ea cum dolore concessa, domino meo Ottone Caesare jam non superstite, fas et amicis loqui, et eorum imperiis obsequi. Si qua nobis significare voletis, usque ad kl. novenbr. Remis, VIII kl. janr. Romae dicetis, si pace uti poterimus. De multiplicatione et divisione numerorum Joseph sapiens sententias quasdam edidit, eas pater meus Adalbero Remorum archiepiscopus vestro studio habere cupit.|4b=[To bishop Bonfill of Girona, spring 984] The great reputation of your name, indeed moves me not only to see and speak with you, but also to comply with your orders. It is only due to the fact that liberty has been denied me that I have so long put off this compliance. Now I that have my liberty, though only through sorrow, since my lord Otto the Caesar no longer lives, it is right for me both to talk to friends and to obey their commands. If you wish to make known anything to us, you can communicate with us at Reims until 1 November, or at Rome on 25 December, if we are able to avail ourselves of peace. Joseph the Wise edited certain sentences “On Multiplication and the Division of Numbers” (''De multiplicatione et divisione numerorum''), and my father Adalbero, archbishop of Reims, wishes to have these through your efforts.|3c=[Lupito Barchinonensi] Licet apud te nulla mea sint merita, nobilitas tamen ac affabilitas tua me adducit in te confidere, de te praesumere. Itaque librum de astrologia translatum a te michi petenti dirige, et si quid mei voles in reconpensationem indubitate reposce.|4c=[To bishop Lupitus of Barcelona, April 984] Although I have no claim on you, still your renown and your courtesy lead me to trust in you, in fact to presume on you. And, so, I am asking you to send me the book “On Astrology” (''De Astrologia''), transferred by you, and if you desire anything from me in return, ask for it unhesitatingly.}}
Zuccato, Marco: Gerbert of Aurillac and a Tenth-Century Jewish Channel for the Transmission of Arabic Science to the West, in: ''Speculum'' 80 (2005), pp. 742-763, URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20463383|8=abacus; al-Andalus; Arabic; arithmetics; ''artes liberales''; astrolabe; astrology; astronomy; Barcelona; calculation; Catalonia; Córdoba; Gaul; geometry; Hindu-Arabic numerals, knowledge transfer; Latin; libraries; magic; manuscripts; mathematics; monasteries; Mozarabs; Ottonian dynasty; Ptolemy; quadrivium; Ripoll; Saracens; scholars; schools; science; scriptoria; teaching; translation; Umayyads|3a=[Geraldo abbati Aureliacensi] De multiplicatione et divisione numerorum libellum a Joseph Ispano editum abbas Warnerius penes vos reliquit; ejus exemplar in commune rogamus. Si limina beatorum Remigii et Dionisii datur vobis copia videndi, nuntio praemisso, vestris alloquiis poterimus codelectari.|4a=[To abbot Gerald of Aurillac, spring 984] Abbot Warnerius left with you a book “On Multiplication and the Division of Numbers” (''De multiplicatione et divisione numerorum'') written by Joseph the Spaniard, and we both would like a copy of it. If an opportunity of visiting St. Rémy or St. Denis presents itself to you, and if you send a messenger ahead, we will be able to enjoy some conversations with you.|3b=[Bonfilio Gerundensi episcopo] Multa quidem auctoritas vestris nominis me movet, cum ad videndum et alloquendum, tum etiam ad obtemperandum, et hoc diu negatum distulit negata libertas. Ea cum dolore concessa, domino meo Ottone Caesare jam non superstite, fas et amicis loqui, et eorum imperiis obsequi. Si qua nobis significare voletis, usque ad kl. novenbr. Remis, VIII kl. janr. Romae dicetis, si pace uti poterimus. De multiplicatione et divisione numerorum Joseph sapiens sententias quasdam edidit, eas pater meus Adalbero Remorum archiepiscopus vestro studio habere cupit.|4b=[To bishop Bonfill of Girona, spring 984] The great reputation of your name, indeed moves me not only to see and speak with you, but also to comply with your orders. It is only due to the fact that liberty has been denied me that I have so long put off this compliance. Now I that have my liberty, though only through sorrow, since my lord Otto the Caesar no longer lives, it is right for me both to talk to friends and to obey their commands. If you wish to make known anything to us, you can communicate with us at Reims until 1 November, or at Rome on 25 December, if we are able to avail ourselves of peace. Joseph the Wise edited certain sentences “On Multiplication and the Division of Numbers” (''De multiplicatione et divisione numerorum''), and my father Adalbero, archbishop of Reims, wishes to have these through your efforts.|3c=[Lupito Barchinonensi] Licet apud te nulla mea sint merita, nobilitas tamen ac affabilitas tua me adducit in te confidere, de te praesumere. Itaque librum de astrologia translatum a te michi petenti dirige, et si quid mei voles in reconpensationem indubitate reposce.|4c=[To Lupitus of Barcelona, April 984] Although I have no claim on you, still your renown and your courtesy lead me to trust in you, in fact to presume on you. And, so, I am asking you to send me the book “On Astrology” (''De Astrologia''), transferred by you, and if you desire anything from me in return, ask for it unhesitatingly.}}
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